South Asia Centre Europe

Full Brief:

South Asian migrants in Europe

31-10-2025

South Asian migrant workers have become an increasingly visible across European Union countries especially over the last decade. Drawn by labor demand, migrants from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, among others, form varied labor-market niches such as high-skilled IT and health professionals, and lower-skilled care, hospitality, agriculture, construction, logistic workers, filling gaps left by European workforces either due to aging Europeans or intra-European migration. An estimate shows that in Germany, there is gap of 400,000 people in workforce. Data shows that the work-related migration was the single largest reason for first residence permits in 2023 in the EU, which shows the rising labor gap in Europe. However, there are challenges that the relevant authorities in Europe and the sender countries need to address. 

To get some international perspectives first, migration to the EU has grown alongside global trends. The UN estimates the global stock of international migrants rose to about 304 million in 2024, up from roughly 275 million in 2020 — a reminder that migration flows accelerated after 2020 and remain structurally important. 

Focusing on South Asia, country snapshots show notable presence and growth. For example: Pakistani nationals in Europe numbered around 398,065 in 2023; India accounted for about 208,000 first residence permits in 2023 for work-related reasons; Sri Lankan and Bangladeshi workers are increasingly present in southern and western Europe in sectors like hospitality and care. In the case of Nepal: although the bulk of out-migration from Nepal has traditionally gone to Gulf countries and Malaysia, recent data show a sharp increase in Nepalese migration to Europe. Nepal recorded a 102 % rise in out-migration for work from 2019 to 2023 among Asian countries. In the first eight months of fiscal year 2024/25, 34,366 Nepalis obtained labor permits for Europe (versus 23,510 in the previous year) — representing a 46 % increase. Among those, Romania alone accounted for 17,830 permits in that eight-month period, a more than 136 % rise. Nepalese make up the largest South Asian group of migrant workers in Romania currently.

According to The Berliner, the populations of skilled migrants with Pakistani and Indian backgrounds are around 140,000 Pakistanis and 137,000 Indians. The Bangladeshis living in Germany are at around 22, 000. The numbers will go up as Germany increased the quota for skilled Indian workers to 70, 000 in 2024. 

These shifts are visible in national labor markets where Indian professionals are increasingly present in Germany and Ireland, while Nepalese, Bangladeshi and Sri Lankan workers are being recruited into Eastern and Southern European countries (e.g., Romania, Croatia, Cyprus, Poland). In Romania, for instance, Nepalese workers are entering sectors such as delivery services, hospitality and agriculture.

Analysis of the last decade points to three interlocking dynamics:

1. Demographics & labor shortages: Ageing populations and declining birth rates in many EU countries (especially in Eastern and Southern Europe) create sustained demand for both high- and low-skilled labor from abroad.

2. Policy and recruitment shifts: Formal labor-migration pathways, bilateral labor-agreements, and active recruitment of South Asian workers (including Nepal) have expanded. Nepal’s government is strengthening capacities to negotiate labor migration agreements to ensure safer, more regular flows.
   
   

3. Vulnerability & integration challenges: Despite the opportunities, many South Asian workers—including Nepalese—occupy precarious jobs, face credential/recognition barriers, and frequently are exposed to exploitative conditions. In Europe, there are growing reports of Nepalese and other Asian workers in lesser-regulated sectors being vulnerable to low pay, informal contracts and limited rights. There have been also cases of physical aggressions towards South Asian workers, and some were killed in accidents in sub-standards facilities. 
   
   

4. Right wing push: Despite Europe's need to have outside workers, the rising rightwing leaders have provoked anti-foreign workers sentiment. In Romania, there is fierce debate about the policy of companies to bring non-European labor to work in lower salary limiting the chances of native workers to grow, or money being transferred outside and so on. 

Policy implications are clear: to maximize mutual benefits, EU states should expand regular labor pathways matched to skill-needs, improve recognition of foreign qualifications, and strengthen labor protections and services for migrant workers. The sender states should enhance pre-departure training, ensure legitimate recruitment, monitor working conditions abroad, and collect better data on flows. Better harmonized data collection across origin and destination countries is also key to responding to evolving South Asian migration.

• this story is done with the help of ChatGPT

**********************

25-10-2025

Modi cancels ASEAN summit visit

In late October 2025, India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi chose to forgo attending the ASEAN / East Asia Summit in Kuala Lumpur in person, opting instead for a virtual address. This decision marked a striking departure from his usual practice: since he assumed office, Modi has generally been present in person at major regional summits (except during the COVID years). 

Several overlapping factors likely drove the decision. One widely cited reason involves the delicacy of India–U.S. relations. A face-to-face meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump was expected on the sidelines of the summit—an engagement New Delhi appears to have judged too risky. Reports suggest Indian officials were uneasy about Trump making unanticipated declarations, particularly on issues like India’s relationship with Pakistan or negotiated interpretations of ceasefire mediation after the May conflict. 

Domestic politics also looms large. The decision coincided with gearing up for a crucial state election in Bihar, where Modi is personally active.  Attending virtually allowed him to avoid any gaffes or statements made in public international forums that could be weaponized by his political opponents. Moreover, official statements cited the scheduling conflict with Deepavali festivities, though analysts viewed that as a convenient diplomatic rationale rather than the core cause. 

The implications are multifaceted. On the positive side, the move preserves India’s flexibility, showing that its engagement with Southeast Asia does not depend solely on Modi’s physical presence. Modi’s virtual participation still allowed India to assert policy priorities—he declared 2026 as the “ASEAN-India Year of Maritime Cooperation,” signaling continued commitment to maritime security and regional integration. 

On the other hand, skipping the summit in person carries symbolic costs. It may signal a reticence to engage in high-stakes personal diplomacy, possibly eroding India’s posture in the region. Critics from the opposition flag the decision as India missing out on photo-ops and influence. Moreover, regional partners may interpret it as a slip in India’s Act East ambition—an absence at such forums reduces opportunities for bilateral side meetings and soft diplomacy. 

In conclusion, Modi’s cancellation of an in-person presence at the ASEAN / East Asia summit in October 2025 reflects a calculated balancing act between diplomatic risk, domestic politics, and symbolic projection. While it shields India from possible diplomatic missteps, it also raises questions about the extent to which India's regional engagement relies on leader-level visibility. Whether this becomes a pattern or an anomaly will likely be read closely by strategic observers in the months ahead. (this story is done with the help of ChatGPT)